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Formal higher education has been a fixture in the United States since its inception by the Europeans traveling to America during the colonial era. Consequently, what would eventually merge as the focal point of pedagogy and participation in early American colleges centered on young, often wealthy, White men. Teaching and learning for these young men emphasized traditional lessons in classical education (Thelin, 2004). Understandably, the culture of higher education has evolved since the 17th century, as it now reflects a different level of access, participation, learning, and teaching. Modern day higher education enables an individual to have access to some form of college education uninhibited. The student demographic reflected on college and university campuses across America today is relatively diverse. A stroll on the lawn at many institutions will yield a student population that varies in gender, age, racial and ethnic background, achievement level, sexual orientation, and socio-economic status (among others). Arguably, the presence of students from culturally diverse backgrounds on college campuses (particularly at predominantly White institutions), has reduced the homogenous representation that was historically apparent in most campus environments. In 2003, "students of color made up 27.8 percent of the nearly 17 million students on America's colleges campuses, up from 21.8 percent in 1993" (American Council on Education, 2010, para. 1). Although these gains in college enrollment are significant, African American and Hispanic students continued to lag behind their white counterparts. From 2002-2004, "47.3 percent of white high school graduates age 18 to 24 attended college compared with 41.1 percent of African Americans and 35.2 percent of Hispanics" (American Council on Education, 2010, para 2). As suggested above, the higher education environment represents a high level of enrollment and participation diversity. Thus, the purpose of this literature review is to discuss the enrollment and participation trends of student populations in American higher education. The review will include special discussion on African American male enrollment and participation in higher education, while emphasizing select sub-populations of African American males. In consonance with language in the literature, the terms "Black" and "African American" are interchangeable throughout this review. Benefits of College Participation and Graduation Attainment Financial Benefits With rising educational costs, many people question the value of a college education. Standler (2001) argued against the benefits of a college education. In commenting on the conventional reasons for attending college, Standler (2001) contended that more education does not always result in higher incomes. For example, "entertainers and professional athletes in the USA earn much more than a scientist and an engineer" (Criticism of Economic Justification for Education section, #5). Standler (2001) pointed out a discrepancy in the values among higher education officials; in that, the football coach makes a larger salary than does a professor. Despite skepticism as to the actual benefits of a college education, there are some recognizable advantages of obtaining a college degree. Perhaps the broadest gain for college participation is the individual's return on their educational investment. The lifetime earnings between high school and college graduates are significant. Day and Newburger (2002) noted that over the course of an adult's working life, bachelor's degree holders earn an average of $2.1 million; while those with an associate's degree or high school diploma earn about $1.6 million, and $1.2 million, respectively. Clearly, a "college graduate earns more than someone with only a high school diploma" (Callan, 2001, p. 86). Furthermore, those who go on to attain a graduate degree have the potential to earn much more. Non-Monetary Benefits Average earnings information, as cited by Day and Newburger (2002), confirms that the power of earning improves with higher levels of education. Aside from higher levels of spending power and savings, college graduates receive a host of intangible benefits. For example, a college graduate is more likely to have increased chances of professional mobility, therefore giving them an occupational edge. College graduates can improve the quality of life for their offspring (Institute for Higher Education Policy, as cited in Porter, 2002). This comes with having options in housing, education, and healthcare. They also are involved in more hobbies, leisure and recreational activities (Institute for Higher Education Policy, as cited in Porter, 2002). A report published by the Carnegie Foundation discussed non-monetary benefits for students who participate in higher education. For example, post-secondary education students tend "to become open-minded, more cultured, more rational, more consistent and less authoritarian; these benefits are also passed along to succeeding generations" (Rowley & Hurtado, as cited in Porter, 2002, par. 6). Furthermore, individuals who participate in college have lower levels of prejudice, are knowledgeable of world affairs, and have an improved social status (Porter, 2002). Alleman, Stimpson & Holly (2009) identified how educated citizens benefit society. They emphasized that college graduates "report better health, volunteer more frequently, give blood more often, turn out in greater numbers to vote, and are more engaged with their children's education" (Baum & Ma, as cited in Alleman, Stimpson & Holly, 2009, p. 3). Furthermore, educated citizens are more likely to "support public and private assistance initiatives through their tax dollars and their voluntary giving" (p. 3). Thus, college educated individuals help to reduce the tax burden placed on state and local governments (Alleman et al., 2009). As part of a study that examined 40 years of data on college freshmen characteristics, students offered feedback and described their reasons for attending college. Hareyan (2007) summarized select student responses as a narrative below: In 1976, and again in 2006, students said the two most important reasons for attending college were "To learn about things that interest me" and "To get a better job." In 2006, earning more money was a close third, with 69 percent of students saying that "To be able to make more money" was a very important reason for going to college, compared with 49.9 percent of incoming students in 1976. And in 2006, 66.5 percent of students indicated that "the chief benefit of a college education is that it increases one's earning power." (par. 17) As noted above, 66.5 percent of students perceived that increased earning power is the main benefit of a college education. This statement validates the correlation between education and wages over the course of a lifetime for a working adult (per U.S. census data). In many cases, an investment in a college education can be a burden, especially for low-income people. Intersecting Educational Access, Participation, and Affordability A household's financial status affects a student's ability to participate in higher education (Hareyan, 2007). Today's college student comes from a household where the median income is 60 percent above the national average. In 2005, the median household income of entering college freshmen was $74,000, compared to the national average of $46,326 (Hareyan, 2007). The financial standing of these students promotes greater opportunities for accessing and paying for higher education. For the financially advantaged student (those individuals coming from a wealthy family), the likelihood they will enroll in college prior to age 24 is 80 percent.On the other hand, financially disadvantaged students (those with median incomes less than $24,500) only have a 35 percent chance of enrolling in college before age 24. This financial gap demonstrates a significant correlation between household income and enrollment in higher education (Callan, 2001). The gap also informs policymakers of the need to improve policies around increasing college participation for financially disadvantaged students. Influence of Policies and Practices Policies and practices have influenced who can access higher education, and who has the ability to pay the rising cost of tuition and fees. During the 1980s and 1990s, state and federal policies tended to favor middle and upper class citizens. Political and societal trends influenced state policymakers to create policies that "shifted responsibility for higher education away from taxpayers and toward students and their families" (Callan, 2001, p. 87). While the intent of such policies was to reform higher education, lower income students remained at a disadvantage. Tuition increases and lower amounts of need-based financial aid reduced these students's ability to participate in and pay for college. These policies changed the trend of student enrollment in many states across the nation. In the state university and community college systems of California, "the combination of tuition increases and reduced state appropriations drove down higher education enrollments by two hundred thousand at a time when the rate of unemployment was approaching 10 percent" (Callan, 2001, p. 87). State policies that negatively affect lower income students are detrimental to the growth of a stable and diversified workforce. With this, needed policies are those that enhance higher education participation for students with financial hardships. There is a need for greater advocacy on behalf of lower income students to influence policy in this area. This section partially discussed how a student's socioeconomic background influences their ability to access and pay for higher education. As mentioned previously, family income tends to correlate with higher education access and participation. Students from high-income families are more likely to enroll in college, compared to students from low-income families. Closing the gap in higher education access and affordability between these two groups is not straightforward. Sound policies, which are targeted and realistic, could facilitate the achievement of this goal. While relevant to this section, a thorough discussion on specific policy alternatives would be an exhaustive task, and goes beyond the scope of this literature review. College Enrollment and Attendance In fall 2008, college enrollment for undergraduate and post-undergraduate students was approximately 19.1 million students. Largely, undergraduate enrollment was greater during the 1970s (42 percent), compared to 14 percent in the 1980s. Undergraduate enrollment increased in the 1990s by 10 percent, "and by 24 percent between 2000 and 2008" (Snyder, 2010, p. 14). Statistical information shows that undergraduate student enrollment peaked at 16.4 million students in 2008. As evident from enrollment trends between 1970 and 2008, total college student participation may show steady increases over time (Snyder, 2010). Enrollment by Gender A greater number of undergraduate females (10.9 million) than males (8.2 million) enrolled during the fall of 2008. Enrollment trends for females and males rose steadily between 1990 and 2008. During this period, female enrollment rose by 45 percent while male enrollments climbed by 30 percent. Similarly, between 2000 and 2008, female enrollment (26 percent) was slightly larger than male enrollment (22 percent) (Snyder, 2010). The enrollment trend between females and males was consistent for attendance status (full-time vs. part-time) and institutional control types (public vs. private). These current trends suggest that female enrollment will continue to surpass male student enrollment over a 40-year period. However, these trends are inconclusive, as societal circumstances will shape future enrollment. Institutional Control Types and Attendance Status Enrollment At the undergraduate level, "12.1 million students attended 4-year colleges and universities and 7.0 million attended 2-year colleges" (Snyder, 2010, p. 10). Between 1990 and 2008, there was a 50 percent increase in the total enrollment of full-time students; and the total enrollment of part-time students increased to 23 percent. For institutional control types (public or private institutions) and attendance statuses (full-time or part-time attendance), enrollment trends rose steadily between 1990 and 2008. In 2008, 4-year public institutions had the largest student enrollment (approximately 7.3 million) among institutional control types (Snyder, 2010). This large enrollment may suggest a number of factors that influenced the college decision-making process (i.e., tuition costs, financial aid, lenient admissions policy, campus diversity, etc.) for students who attended public institutions. Race and Ethnicity Enrollment There has been a decreasing trend in the enrollment percentage of White students in higher education. While this trend persists, the percentage of racial and ethnic minority students continue to increase. As evidence of this downward trend for White students, 78 percent of all college students in 1990 were White, compared to 63 percent in 2008. Between 1990 and 2008, "the percentage of students who were Black rose from 9 to 14 percent; the percentage who were Hispanic rose from 6 to 12 percent; and the percentage who were Asian/Pacific Islander rose from 4 percent to 7 percent" (Snyder, 2010, p. 13). The increase in racial and ethnic minority participation reflects a changing demographic in higher education. Policies and practices that promote access for racial and ethnic minorities partially attribute to the demographic shift in higher education. A more likely reason for this increase is that the United States is changing and becoming more diverse, hence the greater presence of racial and ethnic minorities on college campuses. African American Male College Student Enrollment and Participation Discourse on the status of African American males in higher education is commonplace. Discussion typically centers on the significant disparities in enrollment, retention, and poor achievement among Black males. Black males are the least likely to enroll in college and graduate. The larger majority of African Americans who enroll in college are women (U.S. Department of Education, as cited in Strayhorn, Blakewood & DeVita, 2008). Forthcoming in this literature review is descriptive information on trends in enrollment and participation of African American males in college. This information will offer a snapshot to scholars and the public on the status of African American male students in higher education. Public policies enacted in the 1980s and 1990s have perpetuated disparities in enrollment, retention, and achievement. For example, endorsed were zero tolerance policies in the 1990s, which disproportionately excluded problematic Black youth from K-12 public schools (Harper, "Black Male," 2006).In turn, these policies invariably affected Black male student enrollment in higher education. Higher education officials agree that educational parity is lacking for African American male college students. The idea solution is effective policies and solution-driven practices to increase parity. Nonetheless,ongoing policy and scholarly research could inform higher education officials of how to reduce disparities for African American males. The next few sections of this literature review will specifically discuss the enrollment and participation of African American males in college. Further discussion will emphasize content on a select few subgroup populations of African American male students. African American Male Student Enrollment In 2007, Black males were 12 percent of the total college student population. This percentage is significantly lower than the percentage of White male students enrolled at this same time (64.2 percent) (Almanac, Profile, 2009). The only encouraging news from this is that Black male enrollment had risen steadily between 1990 and 2007. Approximately 484,700 students enrolled in the fall of 1990, compared to 838,100 students enrolled in 2007. This reflects a 43 percent increase in Black male student enrollment between these two periods (Almanac, College Enrollment, 2009). The reasons attributing to this increase are significant, and indeed warrant further discussion. However, an in-depth discussion and analysis of this trend are beyond the scope of this literature review. Black Subgroup Populations in Higher Education Harper ("Black Male," 2006) gives credit to researchers who continue to examine various aspects of the Black student experience in higher education, namely in the context of traditionally White colleges and universities. A sample of the literature on Black students centers on improving higher education access, ways of negotiating feelings of isolation and alienation at PWIs, and the impact of race and discrimination on student persistence. Remarkably, much of this research advanced the visibility of Black students in higher education. Perhaps more importantly, it opened the doors for future research on an infinite number of gender subgroups within the Black race (Harper, "Black Male," 2006). Harper's ("Black Male," 2006) report on the status of Black male students at public flagship universities in the U.S. have paved the way for research opportunities on Black student subgroups. Few research studies have considered the trends, outcomes, and experiences of gender specific subgroups in higher education. As a long-standing tradition, "most contemporary researchers have opted to compare black students at PWIs to their same-race counterparts at Historically Black Colleges and Universities" (p. 1). In the account, Harper ("Black Male," 2006) reported that, "black students have long been treated as a monolithic group" (p. 1). An opportunity currently exists for research around understanding enrollment and participation trends of Black student subgroups. Supplemental analyses could focus on the dual impact of this population on the larger higher education community. There is a need for other research to investigate the qualitative experiences of Black student subgroups. Such examination could yield substantive information about this population. Furthermore, responsive higher education officials could create policies that effectively meet the academic and social needs for this group. The next section of this literature review will offer insight from the research on select subgroups of African American males in higher education. The subgroups to be included for discussion are Black male student-athletes, gay African American males, and Black Greek organizational members. Black Male Student-Athletes The underrepresentation of Black males in college degree programs is evident. In 2004, nearly 11 percent of undergraduate students in all institutions were Black males. Disproportionate representation of Black male students in college sports is prevalent,especially at the NCAA Division I level. Harper ("Black Male," 2006) noted that "black men can be easily found on most college or university intercollegiate sports teams" (p. 5). Anyperson attending Division I level games can attest to this reality. In 2004, the percentage of Black male representation in Division I athletics was 30.5 percent. Black male student-athlete participation was greater in football and basketball, respectively at 54.6 percent and 60.8 percent (Harper, "Black Male," 2006). As discussed throughout this literature review, Black males are among the least likely to persist and graduate from degree programs. In general, "African American males have the highest dropout rates among college athletes, and academic variables have most often been cited as the contributing factor" (Messer, 2006, p. 155). Across four cohorts of college student-athletes between 1995 and 1999, "47 percent of black men graduated within six years, compared to 60 percent of white males and 62 percent of student-athletes overall" (Harper, "Black Male," 2006, p. 8). The graduation trend among Black males has remained consisted in recent years. In 2004, the graduation rate of Black male student-athletes was 48%, compared to 62.5% for White student-athletes (Messer, 2006). These trends make it clear that over time, Black male student-athletes "cannot be perceived as particularly successful in graduating from college (p. 155). Nonetheless, an overrepresentation of Black men as Division I student-athletes may signify a lack of institutional responsibility, among other reasons. Institutions appear to lack awareness of the disproportion of Black male students and student-athletes. Any level of cognizance should prompt institutional leaders to react to the disproportion as it stands. Furthermore, institutions are responsible for being proactive, and visualizing proportionate representation among all Black male students and student-athletes on their campuses. Higher education faculty, staff and others who have a stake in the success of Black male student-athletes understand that policies, sound ethics, and effective practices could correct the high levels of disproportion in the classroom and athletic arenas. There is a view that advocating for policy around intercollegiate athletics is political and complex at most (Harper, "Black Male," 2006). Institutions are likely to resent pressure against generating revenue from high profile sports (namely football and basketball) with high profile Black student-athletes. Policy measures influence how institutions correct disproportion among Black student-athletes. For example, Harper ("Black Male," 2006) noted that institutions must "maintain affirmative action and race-sensitive college admissions policies" (p. 11). As a policy and practice, affirmative action and race-sensitive admissions could work to improve equity in enrollments at all institutions, especially where the enrollment of Black male students/student-athletes are slightly proportioned (Harper, "Black Male," 2006). While Black student proportion in Division I athletics remains a goal, it is just as important to ensure retention among this group. On a positive note, the athletic departments at many Division I schools are structured to provide comprehensive academic support services to their student-athletes. Tutoring, mentoring and financial support are available to support the retention of Black male student-athletes, as they pursue a college degree (Messer, 2006). A major inhibition to the success of these students is their lack of academic unpreparedness, "which can lead to poor performance in the classroom" (p. 168). While these students are "spotlighted" on the field for their athletic prowess, their low performance in the classroom can "lead to diminished self-confidence and the inability to see themselves as successful" (Messer, 2006, p. 168). Negative stereotypes by faculty and peers contribute to added amounts of stress that these students must try to manage. Perpetuated through mass media messages are the negative stereotypes that depict Black males. hooks (as cited in Harper, "Peer Support," 2006) noted that more than any other group of males in society, Black males are perceived as lacking in intellect, and are "far more likely to be affirmed for appearing dumb" (pp. 337-338). Black males internalize these messages, further diminishing their capacity to succeed. Messer (2006) offered a number of recommendations, which may be invaluable to sustain Black male student-athletes through graduation. Prior to enrollment, and reinforced throughout, coaches and administrators must outline the expectations of the Black student-athlete as a student. This includes verbally informing students of their responsibilities and obligations as college students. Monitoring student grades and providing academic and athletic supports are some techniques that may also benefit the student-athlete (Messer, 2006). African American coaches, faculty, administrators, and other staff of color "should be employed to provide African American male student athletes with more role models and potential sources for mentoring relationships" (p. 168). Furthermore, career education development outside of professional sports is useful for this population. It should be "specifically aimed at continuing nonprofessional careers that use their sports expertise" (p. 169). While these recommendations are not exhaustive, the ultimate goal is to create an education environment that is conducive to promoting success among Black male student-athletes (Messer, 2006). African American Gay Men Much of the literature on sexual orientation indicates that approximately 10-20 percent of the American population identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual (Human Rights Campaign; Mondimore; Kennedy, as cited in Washington & Wall, 2006). Akin to the broad population of African American male students on campus and in society, college enrollment and participation of this subgroup is few (Strayhorn, Blakewood, & DeVita, 2008). They are also among the least to receive an adequate amount of attention in the higher education literature. Strayhorn et al. (2008) described the common factors that explain the underrepresentation of African American and gay African American men in college. As part of this explanation, "Black men are often described using disparaging terms such as dangerous, endangered, "at risk," uneducable, threatening, and lazy" (Majors & Billson; Strayhorn, as cited in Strayhorn et al, 2008, p. 92). Faculty and peers then accept these negatively reinforced stereotypes as true (Strayhorn et al., 2008). Black men in general are likely to internalize these thoughts, in which they become self-fulfilled and self-defeating (Steele, as cited in Strayhorn et al., 2008). The presence of a few African American gay men on campus exacerbates the common experiences of the broad African American male student population. African American gay males who attend PWIs experience alienation and isolation, and feel unsupported and unwelcomed. This subgroup has to contend with the pressures of negative societal beliefs about homosexuality (Feagin, Vera, & Imani; Garibaldi, as cited in Strayhorn et al., 2008). Furthermore, gay African American males must contend with homophobia in the Black community (Washington & Wall, as cited in Strayhorn et al., 2008), and racism within the gay community (Boykin, as cited in Strayhorn et al., 2008). These and other factors support why there are relatively few gay African American males present on college campuses; let alone the number of African American males who openly identify as gay. The connection between enrollment, retention and graduation for gay African American male college students is clear. Students among this subgroup are likely to experience academic and social difficulties due to their Blackness, maleness, and gayness. These students are least likely to persist and graduate from college, perpetuating a trend of failed persistence among this group. Lacking are qualified narratives about gay African American male students who have succeeded, by effectively navigating the academic and social systems. Strayhorn et al. (2008) noted that the "research literature is virtually silent on the experiences of Black gay men in college" (p. 92). It is worthy to note that Strayhorn et al. (2008) have begun the process of advancing qualitative research on gay African American males. However, more research is necessary to build upon and enhance this endeavor. Any substantive findings could equip higher education personnel to aid in student persistence and graduation among this group. Research findings could even assist some members of the campus and surrounding community to come to terms with any ingrained feelings of homophobia. Washington and Wall (2006) suggested that these communities must be ready to openly embrace African American gay men; by offering safe spaces for dialogue on a number of issues, such as dating, sex, religion, and race. Black Greek Organizational Members Perhaps the most reviled Black male subgroup on college campuses are those individuals who belong to Black Greek organizations (BGOs). Historically, the role of Black Greek organizations was to counter the racism that prevented Black students from joining existing White organizations (McClure, 2006). Within the hostile racial climate that subsisted on traditionally White campuses, African American men yearned to have "greater contact with each other beyond what was offered through their classes" (Wesley, as cited in Harper & Harris, 2006, p. 131). Formed at Cornell University was the birth of the nation's first Black college fraternity, Alpha Phi Alpha (Kimbrough; Welsey, as cited in Harper & Harris, 2006). BGOs advanced the mission of service, and sought to enhance the quality of life and college experiences of Black students. They also sought to deal with political and social issues that continue to face the Black community (Rodriguez, as cited in McClure, 2006). There are many positive effects of African American male participation in BGOs. One effect is that BGOs continue to "serve as valuable social support outlets for African American students, especially at predominantly White institutions (PWIs)" (Patton & Bonner; Schuh, Triponey, Heim & Nishimura; and Harper et al., as cited in Harper & Harris, 2006, pp. 133-134). This support outlet is important for African American male collegians, "as undergraduate fraternities encourage unity among members and offer early opportunities for leadership, which increases retention" (Sutton & Terrell, as cited in Harper & Harris, 2006, p. 134). In this sense, retention scholars are likely to promote African American males to participate in BGOs. Another outcome is that BGOs foster a "sense of belonging, cultural connections, and numerous opportunities to gain transferable leadership and communication skills" (Sutton & Kimbrough, as cited in Harper & Harris, 2006, p. 134). This benefit would prompt higher education faculty and administrators to support African American student participation in BGOs. Compared to unaffiliated peers, students who belong to BGOs show equal levels of high engagement in academic and non-academic activities (Harper & Harris, 2006). There is an arguable benefit for African American men to participate in Black Greek organizations. Early research on BGOs found that "participation in same-race organizations did not increase isolation for African American and other minority students...but actually made them feel more a part of the campus community" (Moran, Yengo, & Algier; Murguia et al.; and Taylor & Howard-Hamilton, as cited in McClure, 2006). This finding was despite the problems common to self-segregation among racial and ethnic groups. For African American students, their participation in fraternities can be viewed as "decreasing the isolation of its members and providing them with important information about Black history and culture" (Moran et al.; Smith & Moore, as cited in McClure, 2006, p. 1040). Historically Black Colleges and Universities In the latter 19th century, there was an emerging trend to educate African Americans. Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) met the educational needs for African Americans in this country. HBCUs are "institutions established prior to 1964, whose principal mission is the education of Black Americans" (Provasnik & Shafer, 2004, p. 1). They continue to serve as the primary source of teaching and learning for African Americans today. In historical times, the future growth of this institution began when Congress established the Morrill Act of 1890, launching the proliferation of HBCUs in some states.Morrill Act funding purported to "foster educational opportunity for all students, especially newly freed Blacks" (p. 1). The Second Morrill Act of 1890 systemized educational opportunities for Black students. This act mandated that states with dual higher education systems (meaning all-White and non-White systems) were required to provide land-grant institutions for both systems. As a result, 19 land-grant institutions for Blacks were established (Provasnik & Shafer, 2004). While most HBCUs are currently 4-year institutions, "they represent a diverse set of institutions in 19 states, the District of Columbia, and the Virgin Islands" (p. 1). Like their predominantly White institution (PWI) counterpart, HBCUs vary according to their institutional type (2-year, 4-year, research universities, and professional schools), institutional control type (public vs. private), or whether they serve single-sex or coeducational students (Provasnik & Shafer, 2004). HBCUs have lost the ability to attract, enroll, and retain a significant number of African American students today (Kimbrough & Harper, 2006). Nearly 75 years ago, "over 90 percent of Black students (approximately 100,000 in 1950) were educated in traditionally Black schools" (Fleming, as cited in Kimbrough & Harper, 2006, p. 190). In 2001, "HBCUs enrolled just 12.9 percent of all African American students in higher education" (p. 190). Student Enrollment at HBCUs A repository of educational data, including HBCU student enrollment is on the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics website (www.nces.ed.gov). The latest data show that almost 289,985 students enrolled at HBCUs in the fall of 2001. This represented 1.8 percent of the total student enrollment at all U.S. institutions. Black enrollment at HBCUs accounted for 13 percent of all Black student enrollments across all institutions. Similar to national and institutional enrollment trends, more females are enrolled at HBCUs than males (177,111 compared to 112,874, respectively) (Provasnik & Shafer, 2004). In terms of institutional preference, "HBCU students were more likely to attend public institutions than private, not-for-profit institutions (72 vs. 28 percent)" (p. 2). A further review of the literature or future research may delineate the reasons why HBCU students opt for public institutions at a higher rate. HBCU Participation and Graduation Attainment In 2008, 44 percent of Black students graduated from college within six years, compared to 63 percent of their White peers ("Here Is Good News," 2007/2008). While this graduation rate for Black students is low, there is data that suggest a strong correlation between Black student enrollment at HBCUs and graduation attainment. In 2002, awarded were 28,846 bachelor's degrees at HBCUs. This represents 21.5 percent of the total number of bachelor's degrees awarded at all institutions. The total number of bachelor's degrees conferred at HBCUs in 2002 was down by 13 percentage points from 1977 (35 percent). A review of related literature around bachelor's degrees awarded (at HBCUs) during the 1970s may offer insight into the reasons for the high conferral rate. HBCUs continue to produce the highest rates of African American graduates than other colleges and universities, despite fewer resources (Minor, 2008). Although HBCUs represent fewer than 3 percent of all post-secondary institutions, they "produce 25 percent of African American graduates" (Cook & Cordova, as cited in Minor, 2008, p. 8). HBCUs conferred 22.6% of the bachelor's degrees to African Americans in 2002 (Collins & Homaifar, 2007). According to Hubbard, "approximately 40 percent of African Americans with PhDs earned a bachelors' degree from HBCUs" (as cited in Minor, p. 8). Studies have "documented increased developmental gains and increased satisfaction with the college experience among African American college students who attended HBCUs compared to their counterparts who attend historically White institutions" (Berger & Milem; and Outcalt & Skewes-Cox, as cited in Minor, p. 8). This data support the importance of African American education at the nation's HBCUs. African American Men at HBCUs There is a substantial amount of research devoted to issues facing African American men on predominantly White institutions (Kimbrough & Harper, 2006). Until recently, "little research has been offered on African American students in recent years without comparing them with African American students at PWIs" (p. 194). A qualitative study examined the collective experiences of African American men at HBCUs. The intent of this study was to explore issues facing African American men at HBCUs (Kimbrough & Harpers, 2006). There were focus group discussions that captured data on student experiences in five broad areas: 1. Predisposition to college (college going and college representation), 2. Academic achievement (the reasons for poor performance compared to same-race female peers), 3. Involvement and leadership development (levels of involvement in out-of-class activities and student organizations), 4. Interpersonal relationship (male-female relationships), and 5. perceptions of predominantly White institutions (climate for African American men at PWIs) (Kimbrough & Harper, 2006). The overall findings suggest that HBCUs neglect African American men. More specifically, HBCUs have overlooked "some of their basic needs for connection and nurturing, especially since this group is less likely to reach out for assistance when in trouble" (Kimbrough & Harper, 2006, p. 203). Interestingly enough, this finding contrasts with the general thought of HBCUs as nurturing and supportive environments (Kimbrough & Harper, 2006). While the findings of this study are generic, it presents an opportunity for "HBCUs to improve the overall experiences of African American men attending these institutions" (Kimbrough & Harper, 2006, p. 207). Institutional Choice among African American Students There is a considerable amount of research on how and why college students choose particular institutions. The majority of this research centered on non-minority populations, and generalized to the larger student population (Patitu, 2000). In recent years, a number of scholars had conducted research around institutional choice for African Americans. These studies advanced general choice models (which were developed for the whole student body), and offers insight into the decision-making process for African Americans. Sevier (1993/1994) conducted a study on the institutional decision-making process of African American high school juniors (as cited in Patitu, 2000). In this study, students broadly cited areas of "academics, non-academic opportunities, money, people, and/or aspects of the university" (Patitu, 2000, pp. 71-72), as factors in college choice. In McDonough and Lising's study (1996), sampled were freshmen from four ethnic groups, including African Americans, on college choice. The top three reasons cited among this sample included "good academic reputation (57.1%), offered financial aid (44.3%), and graduates go to graduate schools (36.5%)" (McDonough & Lising, as cited in Patitu, 2000, p. 72). In another study, Stewart and Post (1990) sampled African American, Hispanic, Native American, Asian, and Appalachian white freshmen at a predominantly white university in the Midwest. The outcome of this study determined that "Black students were more likely to attend [the university] because the university is close to home and for financial reasons, while other minority groups were more likely to attend because of the reputation of the university" (Stewart & Post, as cited in Patitu, 2000, p. 72). The latter study was distinct from the previous two studies, in that the "top issues for African American students was the university being close to home" (Patitu, 2000, p. 72). Patitu (2000) conducted research that primarily addressed the reasons African American male college students chose to attend a large, predominantly white institution in the South. The findings from the study revealed that institutional reputation (national reputation, academic standing in the United States, and school prestige) was most important. Next in order of importance was funding (academic scholarships, athletic scholarships, and financial aid), proximity (closeness to home and family support), and aspects of the university (atmosphere, sports, campus resources, and housing) (Patitu, 2000). While these findings were meaningful to this context, Patitu (2000) emphasized that "care should be taken when transferring the results to other similar populations" (p. 75). Institutional choice at HBCUs As noted above, HBCUs have showed a gradual decline in their enrollment, at least through 2001. This signifies that African American students are choosing in greater numbers to attend predominantly White institutions. There are no factors in the literature describing HBCU enrollment choice among African Americans. Findings from research conducted by Harper (as cited in Kimbrough & Harper, 2006), suggests that, "some HBCUs, particularly public institutions, unsystematically and ineffectively market themselves to prospective students" (p. 190), which may explain declining enrollments. Notwithstanding the current enrollment challenges at HBCUs, they continue to be a viable choice for many African American students, particularly for high achievers. Freeman (as cited in Freeman, 2002) examined the background characteristics of African American students who chose to enroll in HBCUs. In a qualitative study conducted on 21 high-achieving African American students, Freeman (2002) found no distinguishable differences between students who attended HBCUs and PWIs. In the study, the participants "all grew up in predominantly Black environments, and all attended predominantly Black high schools" (Freeman, 2002, p. 353). The difference lies in the educational background of the students' parents and their philosophical stance around participation goals. Freeman (2002) cited Astin and Cross' study (1981), which found that Black students who enrolled in HBCUs tended to have fathers and mothers who were better educated, as opposed to Black students who attended PWIs. Both Astin and Cross noted that Black students in Black institutions "were more concerned about the political structure and community action, whereas those attending White institutions gave higher priority to financial and status goal" (Freeman, 2002, p. 352). Across all institutional types, institutional choice among African American students is dependent on the amount of financial aid received (Freeman, 2002). In the decision-making process, Black students tend to select PWIs for the financial assistance and HBCUs for their low tuition (Freeman, 2002). These decisions reflect the reality that African American families continue to have trouble in financing higher education for their children (Freeman, 2002). Therefore, institutional choice based on financial aid closely parallels the previous studies discussed above (see Sevier, 1993/1994; McDonough & Lising, 1996; Stewart & Post, 1990; and Patitu, 2000). Influence contributes to choice selection of HBCUs among African American students. Freeman (2002) cited three major influences among African American students in her study. The first major influence of HBCU choice was cultural affinity. Regardless of high school type, African American students "were more likely to consider HBCUs if they had a family member, a teacher/counselor, or a friend who was connected with an HBCU" (p. 356). As identified by Astin and Cross, "this influence has remained consistent since the 1970s" (as cited in Freeman, 2002, p. 356). Freeman (as cited in Freeman, 2002) found that African American students were isolated from their cultural heritage. Students believed that by enrolling in a HBCU, they would gain a deeper understanding of their cultural heritage. Conversely, African American students attending predominantly Black high schools strongly considered PWIs (Freeman, 2002). Accordingly, "students reported a need to share their culture with other groups and wanted a PWI because the real world is not Black" (Freeman, 2002, p. 356). Referenced above is a selection of the research and findings around HBCU selection among African Americans. Perhaps, there is a more powerful sentiment of HBCU choice selection among African American students. Beverly Tatum, president of Spelman College in Atlanta, GA, noted that Black colleges affirm the identity of African American students, while at the same time, "giving them the background to meet students with diverse backgrounds and perspectives" (Tatum, 2005, para. 1). Tatum summed that college choice is a "reflection of identity-a statement about how you see yourself, who you are now, and who you hope to become" (Tatum, 2005, para. 4). Furthermore, "students are drawn to environments where they see themselves reflected in powerful ways, places where they see themselves as central to the educational enterprise" (para. 4). Acting White Phenomenon among High Achieving African American Males at HBCUs Described above were factors of institutional choice among African Americans who chose to attend HBCUs. Also described were a few of the benefits for African American students when enrolling in this type of institution. The decision for an African American student to enroll at a HBCU may be detrimental to her or his academic success. High achieving students, particularly African American males, are prone to having negative experiences at HBCUs. These students are prone to such experiences because of their intellectual achievements and aptitude. Consequently, these students learn to disengage academically from their peers, and the institution at large (Harper, "Peer Support," 2006). There is a perception among same race peers (other African Americans) that academically astute Black males are "acting White." Acting White describes how high achieving African American students must cope with the constant accusations by their peers for manifesting characteristics of "Whiteness" (Harper, "Peer Support," 2006). The phenomenon largely manifests itself in predominantly Black and racially integrated contexts (Harper, "Peer Support," 2006). Coping is often a challenge for high achieving African Americans. Their same-race peers accuse them of being disloyal to the Black community, and charge them with being an "Uncle Tom" or a "sellout" (Ogbu & Simons, as cited in Harper, "Peer Support," 2006). According to Ogbu and Simons (as cited in Harper, "Peer Support," 2006), "African American students are usually supportive of their same-race peers when they earn good grades, but it is the embracing of perceivably White attitudes and behaviors used to earn those grades that are deemed problematic" (p. 341). The mentoring of high achieving African American students can mitigate the challenges that they experience at HBCUs around "acting White" (Ogbu & Simons, as cited in Harper, "Peer Support," 2006). Furthermore, an omnipresence of other high achieving African American students may also strengthen their resolve to achieve in the midst of these challenges (Palmer & Hilton, n.d.). Summary of the Literature Review The purpose of this literature review was to discuss enrollment and participation trends of student populations in American higher education. As the student demographic on college campuses evolves, higher education officials, policymakers, and stakeholders will need to be more involved and accountable for effective educational practices. Academic and social programming must reflect the educational needs of this diverse student demographic. This review also highlighted African American male enrollment and their participation in higher education. Particularly for African American males, and other underrepresented minority groups, there is a strong need for improving policies and developing best practices around enrollment and retention. The impact of the responses toward meeting student needs will go a long way in changing the scope of American higher education and society. References Alleman, N. F., Stimpson, R. L., and Holly, L. N. (2009). A statewide examination of college access services and resources in Virginia. Richmond, VA: The State Council of Higher Education for Virginia. Almanac of Higher Education. (2009). College enrollment by racial and ethnic group, selected years. The Chronicle of Higher Education, Retrieved from http://chronicle.com/article/College-Enrollment-by-Racial/48038/ Almanac of Higher Education. (2009). Profile of undergraduate students, 2007-8. The Chronicle of Higher Education, Retrieved from http://chronicle.com/article/Profile-of-Undergraduate/48078/ American Council on Education. (2010). Students of color make dramatic gains in college enrollment but still trail Whites in the rate at which they attend college. Retrieved from Government Printing Office: http://www.acenet.edu/AM/Template.cfm?Section=Publications_and_Products&CONTENTID=18725&TEMPLATE=/CM/HTMLDisplay.cfm Callan, P.M. (2001). Reframing access and opportunity: Problematic state and federal higher education policy in the 1990s. In D. Heller (Ed.). The states and public higher education policy: Affordability, access, and accountability (pp. 83-99). Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Collins, E.G., & Homaifar, A. (2007). HBCUs in control: Control programs at historically black colleges and universities. IEEE Control Systems, 27(4), 106-112. doi: 10.1109/MCS.2007.384128 Day, J.C., & Newburger, E.C. (2002). The big payoff: Educational attainment and synthetic estimates of work-life earnings. (Current Population Reports, Special Studies, P23-210). Washington, DC: Commerce Dept., Economics and Statistics Administration, Census Bureau. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/prod/2002pubs/p23-210.pdf Freeman, K., & Thomas, G.E. (2002). Black colleges and college choice: Characteristics of students who choose HBCUs. The Review of Higher Education, 25(3), 349-358. doi: 10.1353/rhe.2002.0011 Hareyan, A. (2007). Today's college freshmen have family income 60% above national average. HULIQ: Citizen New Review. Retrieved from http://www.huliq.com/18091/today-s-college-freshmen-have-family-income-60-above-national-average Harper, S. (2006). Black male students at public flagship universities in the U.S. Status, trends, and implications for policy and practice. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. Harper, S. (2006). Peer support for African American male college achievement: Beyond internalized racism and the burden of "acting white." Journal of Men's Studies, 14(3), 337-358. Harper, S. & Harris, F. (2006). The role of black fraternities. In M. Cuyjet (Ed.). African American Men in College (pp. 128-153). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Hear is good news on Black student college graduation rates but a huge racial gap persists. (2007/2008). [Features]. Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 58, 46-56. Retrieved from Journal of Blacks in Higher Education website: http://www.jbhe.com/features/58_gradratesracialgap.html Kimbrough, W.M., & Harper, S.R. (2006). African American men at historically black colleges and universities. In M. Cuyjet (Ed.). African American Men in College (pp. 189-209). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. McClure, S.M. (2006). Voluntary association membership: Black greek men on a predominantly white campus. The Journal of Higher Education. 77(6). 1036-1057. Messer, K.L. (2006). African American male college athletes. In M. Cuyjet (Ed.), African American Men in College (pp. 154-173). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Minor, J.T. (2008). Contemporary HBCUs: Considering institutional capacity and state priorities. Retrieved from Michigan State University, College of Education, Department of Educational Administration website: https://www.msu.edu/~jtminor/docs/MINOR_Contemporary_HBCU_Report_2008.pdf Palmer, R.T., & Hilton, A.A. (n.d.). The impact of synergy created by a Black college community and its influence on challenging acting white. Call & Response: The Scholarly Journal of the National Black Graduate Student Association. 2(1). 1-31. Patitu, C.L. (2000). College choice and satisfaction level of African American male college students. Journal of African American Men. 5(1). 71-92. Porter, K. (2002). The value of a college degree. Retrieved from ERIC database. (ED470038). Provasnik, S., & Shafer, L.L. (2004). Historically Black Colleges and Universities, 1976 to 2001 (NCES 2004-062). U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2004/2004062.pdf Snyder, T.D. (2010). Mini-Digest of Education Statistics, 2009) (NCED 2010-014). National Center for Education Statistics, Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2008/2008023.pdf Standler, R.B. (2001). Why attend college? Retrieved from http://www.rbs0.com/edu.htm Strayhorn, T.L., Blakewood, A.M., & DeVita, J.M. (2008). Factors affecting the college choice of African American gay male undergraduates: Implications for retention. NASAP Journal. 11(1), 88-102. Tatum, B. (2005). Historically black colleges remain relevant: Black schools affirm African-American identity and diversity. Retrieved from http://www.america.gov/st/educ-english/2008/April/20080518221743SrenoD0.3849756.html Thelin, J.R. (2004). A history of American higher education. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Washington, J., & Wall, V.A. African American gay men. In M. Cuyjet (Ed.), African American Men in College (pp. 174-188). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. |
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